Reading the comments below a recent Toronto Star op-ed reminded me of an important, if rarely mentioned, rule of Canadian foreign policy: the more impoverished a nation, the greater the gap is likely to be between what Canadian officials say and do.
In a rare corporate daily breakthrough, solidarity activist Mark Phillips detailed a decade of antidemocratic Canadian policy in Haiti. But, a number of readers were clearly discomforted by the piece titled "Hey Canada, stop meddling in Haitian democracy."
"Money pumped into this dysfunctional country, is money down a rat hole," read one. Another said, "Yes — let's stop 'meddling' and while were at it -- let's stop sending them our hard-earned money!!!!."
While these statements ought to be condemned, one should feel some sympathy for the comment writers. Assuming they only peruse the dominant media, Phillips' op-ed ran counter to all they'd ever heard about Canada's role in Haiti.
Over the past 12 years Canadian officials have repeatedly boasted about their good deeds in the Caribbean nation all the while aggressively undermining Haitian democracy and supporting violent right-wing political forces. In January 2003 Ottawa hosted a roundtable meeting dubbed the Ottawa Initiative on Haiti where high level U.S., Canadian and French officials discussed overthrowing elected president Jean-Bertrand Aristide, putting the country under international trusteeship and resurrecting Haiti's dreaded military. Thirteen months after the Ottawa Initiative meeting, Aristide had been pushed out and a quasi-UN trusteeship had begun.
Ottawa helped overthrow Haiti's elected government and then supported an installed regime that killed thousands. Officially, however, Ottawa was "helping" the beleaguered country as part of the "Friends of Haiti" group. And the bill for undermining Haitian democracy, including the salaries of top coup government officials and the training of repressive cops, was largely paid out of Canada’s "aid" to the country.
Even after a deadly earthquake rocked Haiti in 2010, Canadian officials continued their inhumane, antidemocratic, course. According to internal documents the Canadian Press examined a year after the disaster, officials in Ottawa feared a post-earthquake power vacuum could lead to a "popular uprising." One briefing note marked "secret" explained: "Political fragility has increased the risks of a popular uprising, and has fed the rumour that ex-president Jean-Bertrand Aristide, currently in exile in South Africa, wants to organize a return to power." The documents also explained the importance of strengthening the Haitian authorities' ability "to contain the risks of a popular uprising."
To police Haiti's traumatized and suffering population 2,050 Canadian troops were deployed alongside 12,000 U.S. soldiers and 1,500 UN troops (8,000 UN soldiers were already there). Even though there was no war, for a period there were more foreign troops in Haiti per square kilometer than in Afghanistan or Iraq (and about as many per capita). Though the Conservatives rapidly deployed 2,050 troops they ignored calls to dispatch this country's Heavy Urban Search and Rescue (HUSAR) Teams, which are trained to "locate trapped persons in collapsed structures."
While they were largely focused on "security," the Harper Conservatives knew the public wanted Canada to aid earthquake victims. As such, they claimed Canadian troops were deployed to alleviate Haitian suffering. Harper told the press: "Ships of the Atlantic fleet were immediately ordered to Haiti from Halifax, loaded with relief supplies." Not true. A [Halifax] Chronicle Herald reporter and photographer embedded with the military for the mission observed that they didn't have much food, water, medical equipment or tents to distribute, beyond what they needed for their own crews. Nor did the other Canadian naval vessel dispatched have supplies to distribute.
The files uncovered by the Canadian Press about the government's post-earthquake concerns go to the heart (or lack thereof) of Canadian foreign policy decisionmaking. Strategic thinking, not compassion, almost always motivates policy. And what is considered "strategic" is usually what corporate Canada wants.
To conceal this ugly reality officials boast about aid contributions and democracy promotion. But the primary explanation for the gap between what's said and done is that power generally defines what is considered reality. So, the bigger the power imbalance between Canada and another country the greater Ottawa's ability to distort their activities.
Unfortunately, the Toronto Star comments suggest Canadian officials have been quite effective in deceiving the public.
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